By Pamela Kyle Crossley
Four maps during this landmark exploration of the origins of nationalism and cultural id in China, Pamela Kyle Crossley strains the ways that a wide, early smooth empire of Eurasia, the Qing (1636-1912), integrated neighboring, yet disparate, political traditions right into a new form of emperorship. Drawing on a large choice of fundamental resources, together with Manchu, Korean, and chinese language archival fabrics, Crossley argues that distortions brought in 17th- and eighteenth-century old documents have blinded students to the particular process occasions within the early years of the dynasty. This groundbreaking examine examines the connection among the more and more summary ideology of the centralizing emperorship of the Qing and the institution of suggestions of id within the 17th and eighteenth centuries, earlier than the appearance of nationalism in China. Concluding with a broad-ranging postscript at the implications of her examine for reports of nationalism and nation-building all through sleek chinese language heritage, A Translucent reflect combines a readable narrative with a cosmopolitan, revisionary examine China's heritage. Crossley's booklet will adjust present understandings of the Qing emperorship, the evolution of ideas of ethnicity, and the legacy of Qing rule for contemporary chinese language nationalism.
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Additional resources for A Translucent Mirror: History and Identity in Qing Imperial Ideology
As will be suggested in the Post script, the conquest ideology works in markedly different ways in post imperial environments than it did under emperorship. But across early modern Eurasia, one finds imperial ideology tending toward a universality of representation that depended not upon all-as-one (as many modern re publican ideologies have done) but upon one-as-all, that "one" being the emperor. I have called it concentric in its political cosmology and simulta neous in its expression. Perhaps the most stimulating study (or suggestion of what could have been accomplished in a major study) of the role of conquest in the devel opment of Qing emperorship has been that of Joseph F.
By virtue of its extraordinary expressive capacities the Qianlong court obscured much of what it inherited from the ideologies of the Qing courts that preceded it, though a surprising amount of earlier ideology can still be traced. It is justi fied to say, though it is puzzling to understand, that historians of the Qing still have not broken the spell of the eighteenth century in interpreting the origins of and early history of the empire. This phenomenon is more pro nounced for American and European scholars, who work when they can from published documents that were either written or last revised during the Qianlong period.
A Manchu con quest was not a conquest. Two difficulties have resulted. The first is that the received association of "Manchu" with conquest has been expunged rather than qualified, and the second is that the history of the Qing tends not to be written in its rather obvious context of conquest and occupation. On the first issue, it has long been established that the Qing forces between the time of the con quest of north China to the completion of Qing control of south China con tained only a small proportion of "Manchus" (itself a complex matter of definition, as discussed in Chapters 2, 4, and 6).